Hi dogsbollocks,
Thank you for the clarification asking me to place my findings as the
answer for you.
(Instead of posting the cached page links I am posting the actual
page links for you. However, the cached page links I posted in my
clarification had all the keywords I used to do my research, which
enabled me to locate what I wanted to find.)
===============================================================================
Perspectives for the Philippine Revolution:
http://www.marxist.com/Asia/philippines87.html
"Here we are republishing a document written in April 1987 on the
Philippine Revolution. At that time a ferment of discussion had opened
up in the Communist Party of the Philippines. This was a discussion
document which had been presented as a contribution towards that
debate. At the time it had a limited circulation, but we are
republishing it today as we believe that it will be of interest to
Marxist activists internationally. We would welcome any comments on
the analysis developed in this document."
[edit]
"In spite of the fact that the CPP largely stood aside from the urban
movement against the Marcos regime during its last years, the working
class nevertheless began to push its way to the forefront of this
movement. If the meteoric growth of the NPA was the prime concern of
the bourgeoisie, bringing on the crisis of confidence that undermined
Marcos' rule, the proletariat also made their contribution. The
massive mobilisations of 1970-72 ended with the declaration of martial
law. But by the late 1970s the workers were beginning to recover from
the shock. 1982 witnessed the world's first ever general strike in a
free trade zone - the heavily-militarised Bataan Export Processing
Zone - which brought 15,000 workers on to the streets. In 1983, there
was a second general strike there, and in 1984 a third, in the course
of which barricades were set up. The militancy of the Bataan workers -
and also now the Baguio Export Processing Zone - represent a great
achievement. In these heavily militarised free trade zones the workers
are formally deprived of trade-union rights.
The workers of Manila, and especially the youth which made up
two-thirds of them, made up the heavy battalions of the crowds at EDSA
during the February days. As we shall see, however, they were lacking
in organisation and did not clearly differentiate their tasks and
interests from those of the petty-bourgeois "cause-oriented" groups or
even the liberal faction of the bourgeoisie. However, the workers have
gained renewed confidence as a result of the fall of Marcos and their
memories of their role at EDSA. They have taken at their word the
protestations of the new government about democratic rights and made
ample use of the "democratic space" to avenge the injustices of the
past and defend their rights. This is reflected dramatically in the
strike figures below:"
[edit]
"The key to the future of the Philippine revolution depends on the
development of Marxist cadres and organisation within the proletariat,
basing themselves on its real but long-dormant revolutionary
traditions.
Split in the Ruling Class
Marcos' place as the biggest thief in the Guinness Book of Records was
earned by his plunder of the economy, estimated at $10 billion. Among
his cronies were odious characters like Robert Benedicto and Eddie
Cojuangco (first cousin of Cory) who each embezzled hundreds of
millions of dollars. Corruption, along with bonapartist repression, is
also endemic among the colonial bourgeoisie: an inevitable reflection
of the historic impasse of society, of that class's absence of any
historic mission, its slavishness and moral debasement. That is why
corruption has rapidly got its death-grip also on Cory's
administration, which of course is composed of the old
aristocratic..."
[edit]
"The murderous rule of Marcos and his gangster cronies is not, to be
scientific, an example of "fascism", despite the current
fashionability of the term. Fascism is a specific form of bourgeois
repressive rule, under which a mass movement of petty-bourgeois and
lumpen-proletarians is mobilised to annihilate and atomise every trace
of independent proletarian organisation. Marcos did not have at his
disposal the kind of mass movements that brought to power the regimes
of Hitler, Mussolini or Franco. Marx defined bonapartism as a regime
of military repression which balances between the classes in order to
rise above society. Marcos' regime was a classic example: a regime of
emergency rule, martial law, raining down terror from above, using the
police, army, death squads and torturers to intimidate the masses but
lacking the power to crush all resistance or atomise the working
class. Such a regime reflects a profound and stubborn crisis in
society. It is the normal mode of rule today by the bourgeoisie in the
colonial world. Compared to the even more bloodthirsty bonapartist
regimes of Pinochet in Chile or Suharto in Indonesia, Marcos'
martial-law regime was relatively unstable. The relentless growth of
the NPA was a barometer and index of the limitations of his power.
Certain traditional patriarchs of the ruling class had been angered at
Marcos' audacity in manipulating events to perpetuate his presidency
by proclaiming martial law in 1972..."
[edit]
Guerrilla War?
"The tragedy of the lost opportunity of 1986 is rooted in the
fundamental mistake made by the founders of the CPP in 1968. Having
started from the false premise that the peasantry and not the
proletariat is the leading force in the revolution, they naturally
went on to base their strategy on peasant methods of struggle; on
guerrilla war, rather than proletarian struggles culminating in the
general strike and the mass insurrection. The CPP made a fetish of
"armed struggle". Naturally Marxists are not pacifists, and it is
clear that especially in the Philippines today with its vast
counter-revolutionary apparatus, the revolution will be unable to
dispense with the need for a strong military arm. But the first
prerequisite for a revolution is a revolutionary consciousness on the
part of the working masses. Marxism has always based itself on the
idea that "The emancipation of the working class is the task of the
working class itself." It has consequently always begun with the
development of proletarian cadres, and the raising of the political
level of the proletarian vanguard, as the first step towards the
winning of the proletariat and through it the non-proletarian toiling
masses of town and country. On the basis of years of education by the
Bolsheviks, and of the correct slogans, tactics and perspectives of
Bolshevism, the October revolution in Russia cost hardly a drop of
bloodshed. It was only with the coupler-revolutionary intervention of
the imperialist powers that civil war began. On the other hand, it was
the misplaced emphasis of both the PKP and especially the CPP leaders
on guerrilla struggle as a matter of policy that enabled the ruling
class to arm the counter-revolution. In consequence, the Philippine
revolution will have to face a powerful armed forces, the 260 private
armies of the Civil Home Defence Force, and the even more sinister
vigilante forces that have been springing up under the patronage of
the new government.
The CPP leaders completely neglected the education of proletarian
cadres and even transplanted militant young workers out of the cities
and into the hills. The rising tide of the class snuggle nevertheless
gave an impetus to the development of workers' organisations like the
KMU, and the new legal party allied to the CPP, the Partido ng Bayan.
These represented important landmarks in the revolutionary reawakening
of the proletariat. However, the CPP leaders still recognise these
organisations only as auxiliaries to the guerrilla war.
Jo. Ma. Sison, who founded the CPP and is now a leader of the PnB,
replied to a question about the relationship of the PnB to the CPP and
NPA: "How would you compare the legal form of struggle with the armed
form? You would of course put the armed struggle in the first place.
It is principal to the legal struggle, isn't it? The PnB plays a role
that is secondary..."
[edit]
"In Comrade Sison's statement is reflected a Maoist disdain for
workers' struggles that is natural to guerrilla fighters. The same
mistake was made in Nicaragua. After years of guerrilla struggle, it
was the workers' insurrection in Managua in 1979 which proved decisive
in overthrowing Somoza. Ortega has admitted that "we underestimated
the masses." Similarly, the general strikes which shook San Salvador
in March and June 1980 after the murder of Archbishop Romero were
wrongly dismissed by the guerrillas as mere protest strikes, secondary
and auxiliary to the guerrilla war. As a result the opportunity was
lost and the initiative passed back to the military. And isn't that
exactly the same mistake as was made by the CPP leadership after the
murder of Ninoy Aquino in 1983? As huge crowds of workers took to the
streets of Manila, the CPP leaders stood aside, dismissed Aquino as a
CIA agent (which was irrelevant) and adopted a sectarian attitude to
the growing mass campaign for the resignation of Marcos.
Lenin certainly defended the role of guerrilla warfare; but always
stressing that it must be only an auxiliary to the proletarian
movement. Writing during the 1905 revolution, he warned that "The
party of the proletariat can never regard guerrilla warfare as the
only, or even as the chief, method of struggle. This method must be
subordinated to other methods it must be commensurate with the chief
methods of warfare, and must be ennobled by the enlightening and
organising influence of socialism." (Collected Works, Moscow, 1972.
Vol 11, page 221. Our emphasis)
It is generally recognised that the CPP found itself badly isolated
from the mass movement against Marcos. The policy of "abstention"
during the February 1986 presidential election and neutrality
throughout the subsequent upheavals is correctly discredited now. But
this tactical mistake was not accidental. It was an expression of the
underlying false strategy of the CPP leadership, above all the
substitution of the military policy for a theoretical analysis of
perspectives..."
[edit]
"If there had been a politically independent proletarian movement,
then it could have mobilised a massive campaign for a real break with
the horrors of the Marcos dictatorship. It would have demanded a purge
of the Marcos/Enrile executioners and torturers from the armed forces,
and disbandment of the private armies and "salvaging" squads. It would
have built upon the foundations of the incipient fraternisation that
was beginning to develop between the soldiers and the workers. It
would have armed the workers and formed soldiers' committees as a
defence against counter-revolutionary coups. It would have insisted on
the election of a revolutionary Constituent Assembly. The entire
course of events would have been transformed.
If the workers were to harness once again the same power that they
deployed in February 1986, but this time with confidence in their
independent role as workers and a clear programme, then nothing could
stand in their way. The objective conditions have still not completely
been lost to carry the revolution forward to victory. But the task is
to prepare the working class vanguard by patient explanation of the
real perspectives.
At the same time agitation should be waged in the trade unions and
other workers' organisations on a programme of defence of the
revolution. The trade unions must build their own defence
organisations, against goons on the picket-lines and the threat of a
new coup. They must organise the workers and peasants-in-uniform who
make up the rank-and-file of the armed forces. They must launch a
vigorous campaign of strikes and demonstrations for such demands as:
work or full pay for all, workers' control of production, a living
wage, expropriation of all plantations and big estates, land to the
peasants, nationalisation at least of all "crony", imperialist-owned
and monopoly companies for a start, a workers' and peasants'
government. By means of such transitional demands, the workers' and
peasants' consciousness could be raised to the horizons of the
socialist revolution.
If the CPP had had a clear perspective it could have warned that the
liberals could do nothing..."
[edit]
"In the CHDF and other forces there were already a total of around 260
private armies. Now Davao has witnessed the rise of the fascist Alsa
Masa, with 7000 armed men, under the patronage of the police chief
Calida. In addition there is the even bigger army NAKASAKA. These
sadistic terrorist movements recruit thousands of "volunteers" by
coercion, and extort "taxes" from the population. NAKASAKA is
hypocritically called an "unarmed" volunteer force, because so far,
unlike Alsa Masa, it does not carry firearms. Actually its members
carry bolos, spears and knives, and are really a front for the dreaded
Tadtad (chop), a cult of religious fanatics who chop their victims
with machetes. Among their recent pastimes were to force one NPA
prisoner to eat his own severed ear, and to decapitate another and
drink his blood. And yet this outfit has been officially promoted by
Local Government Minister Jaime Ferrer and enjoys the personal
patronage of Cory herself, who regards it as a manifestation of
"people's power"! Again, so much for liberalism! The talk of
disbanding these armies "when appropriate" is sheer cant.
Calida has boasted: "There are almost no Communists left in Davao City
today, just the priests and nuns, and we'll go after them next." Pala,
spokesman for Alsa Masa, warns: "If Malacanang causes the disbandment
of the Alsa Masa, you tell Malacanang that we will revolt." These
gentlemen are touring Negros Occidental, Iloilo and Bicol urging the
foundation of similar outfits. Others that already exist include SIKAD
(Davao Oriental) and KOMUT (S. Cotabato). In Negros sugar planters
have formed the El Tigre, and in Nueva Ecija local businessmen have
formed another vigilante army. In Cagayan and Kalinga-Apayao there are
the Anti-NPA Guerrilla Unit (bandits posing as NPA); Special
Anti-Terrorist Group (Enrile supporters); Kilusan Laban sa Komunismo
(organised by the fugitive Colonel Cabauatan); Counter-Insurgency
Command; and four others. In addition, the Government has attempted to
use the Cordillera People's Liberation Army which defected from the
NPA, and factions of the Moro National Liberation Front, as
auxiliaries in the fight against the NPA.
Cory has promised that "undesirable and misguided elements in the
military will be removed." The problem is that, in conditions of civil
war, the reactionary bonapartist officer caste are not only not
"undesirable", but are actually indispensable. Liberal prejudices have
again inevitably deferred to reality. That accounts for Cory's almost
ridiculous impotence in dealing with the military conspirators. The
first of the many attempted coups - the Manila Hotel putsch - was
punished with the draconic sentence of 30 push-ups! The November coup
led to the dismissal of Enrile - but he was immediately honoured with
a medal by his successor Ileto.
After the January 27 coup, Cory went on television to make ever such
terrible threats as to what she was going to do and nothing happened.
The leaders were allowed to escape. The pro-Government..."
[edit]
===============================================================================
Mindanao land of promise - Macapado A. Muslim and Rufa Cagoco-Guiam
(Muslims in the Phillipines)
http://www.c-r.org/accord/min/accord6/muslim.shtml
The Moro armed struggle
"Moro resistance and assertion of self-determination were already
widely established during and immediately after colonial times but it
was not until the early 1970s that a revolutionary movement the Moro
National Liberation Front (MNLF) was formalised.
The MNLF emerged in the wake of a resurgence of Islamic identity among
Philippine Muslims who felt oppressed at the hands of a
Christian-dominated government and marginalised in the Philippine body
politic. This sentiment was exacerbated by a series of incidents that
convinced many Muslim intellectuals and politicians that armed
struggle was the only way to redress Muslim grievances.
Foremost of these incidents was the Jabidah massacre on 17 March 1968,
when at least 28 young Muslim recruits to the Philippine Army were
killed by their Christian superiors on the island of Corregidor, off
Luzon. Reports leaked out that the government was training these
recruits to infiltrate the Malaysian state of Sabah (North Borneo) as
a prelude to military invasion.
Investigations were unable to establish the truth and several versions
of the story exist. Most Muslims believe that when the recruits
learned that they were to fight against fellow Muslims in Sabah, they
rebelled. Government officials vehemently denied the plan to use the
recruits to invade Sabah and said they rebelled because of inadequate
pay. Whichever is the truth..."
[edit]
"Because the root causes of the armed struggle (economic, political
and cultural marginalisation) were not addressed, hostilities
continued throughout the late 1970s and the early 1980s.
The Aquino government
The February 1986 People Power Revolution, ended the authoritarian
Marcos era and provided an opening for peace in the entire country,
especially in Mindanao. Corazon Aquino?s new government launched
initiatives designed to bring peace and development and to democratise
governance. It started talks with the left-wing National Democratic
Front (NDF), whose New People?s Army (NPA) had grown during the Marcos
regime from a small group in Central Luzon to a guerrilla movement
operating all over the country (see Profiles). To show her concern for
peace in Mindanao, Aquino broke protocol and went to Jolo to meet MNLF
Chairman Nur Misuari.
Aquino appointed a 50-member commission to draft a new constitution.
The body, which had token Muslim representation, drew up provisions
for the establishment of autonomous regional governments for Muslim
Mindanao in the South and the Cordilleras in the North. A new Congress
was elected in 1987 and passed an Organic Act for the Autonomous
Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM), that was subjected to a plebiscite
on 19 November 1989. Only four provinces Lanao del Sur, Maguindanao,
Sulu and Tawi-Tawi voted for inclusion in this new autonomous
structure.
The Aquino Administration viewed this legislation as its blueprint for
peace in Mindanao and considered it to be in compliance with the
spirit of the 1976 Tripoli Agreement. The MNLF rejected it not only
had the front been excluded from the process of drawing up the
autonomy law, but also the autonomous region had little real power and
the plebiscite had reduced its territorial coverage from 13 provinces
to four."
===============================================================================
Davao del Sur
http://www.asiatravel.com/philippines/davao.htm
"Davao probably derives its name from the ancient Bagobo word
"daba-daba" or fire which they used for their rituals. The tagabaua
tribe, on the other hand, called the river bisecting the region "Daba"
and the Guiangan tribe "Davoh". The Davao region was already an ethnic
melting pot way before the Spaniards arrived. Its eastern shores were
occupied by the members of the Manobo, Tagacaolo, Guiangan, Bilaan and
Aeta tribes. The western part was inhabited by the Bagabo and Mandaya
tribes. Samal and talicud Islands belonged to the Samal tribe.
Davao was first visited by the Spaniards, led by Alvaro de Saavedra,
in 1528. Lopez Villalobos explored Manay, Baganga and Sarangani Island
later in 1543. The first Spanish settlement was established in 1591 in
Caraga (Davao Oriental). However, the entire region remained under the
Sultanate of Maguindanao. It was only in 1844 that the ruling Sultan
ceded Davao to Spian. Still, the Muslim inhabitants refused to be
ruled by Spaniards. So Spanish forces, led by Don Uyanguren, quelled
the revolt and killed Muslim leader Datu Bago in 1847. Uyanguren
became the first governor of Guipozcoa (an area that now comprises
Davao City and environs). In 1900, the Japanese established extensive
plantations of abaca around the Davao Gulf and engaged in fishing,
logging and trading. The number of Japanese steadily increased such
that the area was called Japan kuo (little Japan). It had its own
Japanese embassy, school, Shinto shrine, Buddhist temple and
newspaper.
The Moro province was organized in 1903 with Davao as its district. In
1914, the Department of Mindanao and Sulu was created and Davao was
one of its provinces. Davao City received its charter when Elpidio
Quirino formally inaugurated it on March 16, 1937. The post-war years
saw an influx of "pioneers" from all over the Philippines trooping to
Davao in search of opportunities. In 1967, Davao was subdivided into
three independent provinces: Davao del Norte, Davao del Sur and Davao
Oriental."
===============================================================================
Philippines Tourist Guides
http://www.sino.net/philippines-tourist-guides/
Philippines Tourist Guides
"The 7000 islands that comprise the Philippines are the forgotten
islands of South-East Asia. Off the main overland route and with a
recent history of martial law and endemic corruption, the country has
struggled to attract tourists in the numbers many of its southeast
Asian neighbours have.
Since the demise of the authoritarian Marcos regime 15 years ago the
Philippines has fared better; however, the last few years have sent
the country's fortunes tumbling once again.
In 2000 a Brussels-based research centre declared the Philippines the
most disaster-prone country on earth. It named typhoons, earthquakes,
volcanic eruptions, floods, garbage landslides and military action
against Muslim insurgents as just some of the problems both locals and
tourists have had to deal with."
[edit]
===============================================================================
Davao Medical School - 8 photos
http://www.sfcdavao.com/photoalbum.php?aid=9
This site contains a large group of photos. When you click on 1 - 8
will include the Davao Medical showing smiles, dancing, etc. On the
right side of the page you'll be able to peruse many more photos where
the link says:
Photo Albums
ILC (1st - 5th)
ILC (6th - 9th)
10th ILC @ Ultra, Pasig City
Gawad Kalinga Pics
One Global Event (14 June 2003)
GK Facilitator`s Training
Mindanao Leader`s Conference
Davao Medical School - CLP
Ateneo NSTP tie-up with Gawad Kalinga
Central SWR
Gideon 300 (G3) Graduation Retreat
Extreme Games 2003
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Wilhelm's Davao Journal - 1 most recent entries
http://www.greatestcities.com/users/whvcebu/Asia/Philippines/Davao/
Beautiful Island Photo
===============================================================================
(Apparently the following link I placed in my clarification isn't
working today. The site was up and running before, so maybe it will
be again. I'm leaving it in my answer for you - just in case it works
later.)
These are shots (mostly in Mindanao: http://www.photos.ph/lenjoson/cheapcamera,
===============================================================================
Davao off the Beaten Path
http://www.virtualtourist.com/vt/156116/6/
"Beautiful photos of Eden Nature Park Resort and the Park, Samal
Island (10 minutes by pump boat), "Those noisey parrots...they would
shout @ you and say" Gwapa or Gwapo"( Bisaya for Beautiful(girl) or
Handsome (boy))..., and a photo of a "big manhunt is going on on
Mindanao and on the islands in the Zulusea after members of the
infamous ABU SAYYAF GROUP.After the killing of some hostages the
president has ordered a search and destroy mission after the
group.Some part of Mindanao will be very unsafe in the nearest
future.ABU SAYYAF will for sure looking for new victims to kidnap to
try to take the armys pressure away so take care if you travel in the
southern part of Philippines!"
===============================================================================
Davao Local Customs
http://www.virtualtourist.com/vt/156116/a/
Photos of the locals playing basketball, ice cream vendors, along with
some helpful phrases.
"Basic respect for others is regarded as very important by Filipinos,
who are often concerned about potential loss of face. So common
courtesies should be observed. Shaking hands is an accepted form of
greeting. It is considered very rude to point and to raise your voice.
When dining, try to remember to keep your hands above the table and if
you are eating with local people, note that they are unlikely to start
their meals until you have had a bite or two of yours. It's also
polite to leave a small portion on your plate to indicate that you
have had enough to eat."
English Pilipino
Yes---------------------Oo
No----------------------Hindi
Thank you---------------Salamat
Please------------------Paki
Sorry-------------------Sori
Who --------------------Sino
What--------------------Ano
Where ------------------Saan
When -------------------Kailan
Why ..........etc., etc.
[edit]
Fire!-------------------Sunog!
Call the police---------Tumawag ka ng pulis!
I don't understand------Hindi ko naintindihan
Do you speak English?---Nakakaintindi ka ba ng Ingles?
How are you?------------Kumusta ka?
Good morning------------Magandang umaga
Good afternoon----------Magandang hapon
Good evening------------Magandang gabi
Good bye----------------Paalam
Who are you?------------Sino ka?
What is your name?------Anong pangalan mo?
etc., etc.
If you click on this link you'll see a grieving mother weeping over
the coffin. Her daughter was killed during a military rescue
operation in Sirawai: http://www.virtualtourist.com/m/p/m/23d63/
===============================================================================
Davao, Philippines Please Click on Thumbnails - 3 pages
http://community.webshots.com/album/82797953GteGRU
My favorites include some of the following photos. :)
philippines12 - Leg of Juan Tamad :)
http://community.webshots.com/photo/82797953/82800432tdOiva
philippines28 - Gap Farm
http://community.webshots.com/photo/82797953/82802180VBlNcl
philippines30 - Villa Victoria, Davao
http://community.webshots.com/photo/82797953/82802303GvHVBD
===============================================================================
Google search:
Davao Phillipines violence communist guerrilla death squads history
Davao Mindanao Island Philippines
Davao violence communist guerrilla death squads
Davao 1980's history of violence
Davao photos
Davao pictures
Best regards,
tlspiegel |
