This study has made a number of significant findings. Most of these
update the findings of earlier studies of Cuban Americans by using
more recent data from the late 1990s. They also provide a preview of
what might be expected to be found when the final results of the 2000
Census are published. This investigation evaluated the preliminary
results of the 2000 Census of Population enumeration and found that
while the U.S. Bureau of the Census' estimations of the numbers of
Cubans, Mexicans, and Puerto Ricans were reasonably accurate, there
were serious errors in its estimations of the other specific Hispanic
nationalities (e.g. Nicaraguans, Dominicans, Colombians, Ecuadorans,
etc.). The significance of this finding is that while the 2000 Census
results appear to be reasonably good estimations of the demographic
characteristics of the Cubans, Mexicans, and Puerto Ricans, they may
not correctly represent the socioeconomic characteristics of the other
Hispanic nationalities if the under-representation of these groups do
not represent random errors. Further study comparing the socioeconomic
characteristics derived from results from the 2000 Census (when they
become available) with results from other data sources such as the
Current Population Surveys and the American Community Surveys are
needed to determine whether or not the 2000 Census results can be
trusted because we now know the 2000 Census cannot be trusted to
correctly represent the numbers of the other specific Hispanic
nationalities.
The fact that Cuban Americans are heavily concentrated in four states
and four large metropolitan areas means that they are much more
visible than they would be if they were evenly distributed throughout
the United States. This concentration allows them to exercise more
political and economic clout, particularly in the areas of their
heaviest concentration (Florida and Miami-Dade County). However, it
may also be true that ethnic enclaves slow down the assimilation
process. Although the benefits and problems of ethnic enclaves have
been debated, they seem to be a fact of life for virtually all
immigrants when they first arrive in the United States.
The socioeconomic conditions of the Cuban Americans have certainly
improved during the 1990s. When compared to other Hispanics living in
the United States, the average Cuban has a higher education level,
higher income, and better job. On the other hand, Cuban Americans have
not yet caught up with American averages, although it is clear they
are making progress. The fact that the largest number of Cuban
immigrants arrived in the United States during the 1960s means that
they have had a longer time to adjust to the U.S. economy and society
when compared to the average immigrant from Mexico and Central and
South America. This has helped the Cuban immigrants achieve higher
socioeconomic status than these other two groups of immigrants. But
time spent in the United States is not the only factor affecting the
achievements of Cuban Americans. If it was the only factor, then
Puerto Ricans would have a higher average SES than the Cubans because
the average Puerto Rican in-migrant from Puerto Rico has been living
on the U.S. mainland longer than the average Cuban. However, Cubans
have considerably higher SES than the Puerto Ricans.
The progress made by Cubans, when compared to the other Hispanic
nationalities studied in this paper, is even more remarkable when it
is noted that two-thirds of all Cuban Americans were born in Cuba.
Thus, they are still largely an immigrant population. This is a
significant finding because most studies of other ethnic groups have
found that the second generation of an ethnic group usually has been
able to achieve higher socioeconomic status than that of their
immigrant parents' generation. Thus, as the second generation
increases in the future to become the numerically dominant component
of the Cuban Americans, the socioeconomic status of Cubans should
continue to rise.
The finding in this study that Cuban Americans living in Miami-Dade
County have lower SES than those who are living more dispersed in
other parts of the United States was not surprising because similar
findings have been made in studies of other ethnic groups. New
immigrants are especially attracted to ethnic enclaves because they
help cushion the shock of adjusting to a new culture and economy. New
immigrants take time to acclimate to their new cultural environment
and until they do they usually draw down the average SES of the
reception areas in which they at first concentrated. Therefore, it is
significant that a greater percentage of the Miami-Dade County's
Cubans are comprised of immigrants and a greater percentage of the
immigrants living in Miami-Dade arrived more recently than those
living in the rest of the United States.
The finding that second generation Cubans have higher SES than Cuban
immigrants is especially significant because it portends a continuing
bright future for Cuban Americans as the second generation grows and
becomes increasingly prominent in the United States. The second
generation Cubans compare very favorable to the U.S. population,
especially in terms of their education attainment levels and the types
of jobs they have. Although the average income level of the second
generation Cubans is not quite as high as that of the United States,
this may be largely due to their more youthful age structure because
second generation Cubans in the 25 through 44 age group have average
incomes that are comparable to the rest of Americans similarly aged.
In other words, there is considerable evidence to suggest that the
second generation of Cubans have already caught-up with U.S. average
SES.
All of the findings of this study clearly indicate that first and
second generation Cuban Americans - particularly the latter - have
adjusted very well to life in the United States.
It will be interesting to compare this data with the 2010 Census
reflecting "special period arrivals", and to assess the demographic
impact of post Castro-era immigrants from Cuba. |
